Sex-positive feminism
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Sex-positive feminism, sometimes known as pro-sex feminism, sex-radical feminism, or sexually liberal feminism, is a movement that was formed in the early 1980s. Some became involved in the sex-positive feminist movement in response to efforts by anti-pornography feminists, such as Catharine MacKinnon, Andrea Dworkin and Dorchen Leidholdt, to put pornography at the center of a feminist explanation of women's oppression (McElroy, 1995). Other, less academic sex-positive feminists became involved not in opposition to other feminists, but in direct response to what they saw as patriarchal control of sexuality. Authors who have advocated sex-positive feminism include Susie Bright, Betty Dodson, Gayle Rubin, and Patrick Califia.
Sex-positive feminism centers on the idea that sexual freedom is an essential component of women's freedom. As such, sex-positive feminists oppose legal or social efforts to control sexual activities between consenting adults, whether these efforts are initiated by the government, other feminists, opponents of feminism, or any other institution. They embrace sexual minority groups, endorsing the value of coalition-building with members of groups targeted by sex-negativity. Sex-positive feminism is connected with the sex-positive movement.
Gayle Rubin (Rubin, 1984) summarizes the conflict over sex within feminism:
...There have been two strains of feminist thought on the subject. One tendency has criticized the restrictions on women's sexual behavior and denounced the high costs imposed on women for being sexually active. This tradition of feminist sexual thought has called for a sexual liberation that would work for women as well as for men, The second tendency has considered sexual liberalization to be inherently a mere extension of male privilege. This tradition resonates with conservative, anti-sexual discourse.
The cause of sex-positive feminism brings together anti-censorship activists, queer activists, feminist scholars, sex radicals, producers of pornography and erotica, among others (though not all members of these groups are necessarily both feminists and sex-positive people). Sex-positive feminists reject the vilification of male sexuality that they attribute to many radical feminists, and instead embrace the entire range of human sexuality. They argue that the patriarchy limits sexual expression and are in favor of giving people of all genders more sexual opportunities, rather than restricting sexual expression in the form of pornography (Queen, 1996). Sex-positive feminists generally reject sexual essentialism, defined by (Rubin, 1984) as "the idea that sex is a natural force that exists prior to social life and shapes institutions". Rather, they see sexual orientation and gender as social constructs that are heavily influenced by society.
Sex-Radical feminists in particular come to a sex-positive stance from a deep distrust in the patriachy's ability to secure women's best interest in sexually limiting laws.
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Historical roots
Authors such as Gayle Rubin (Rubin, 1984) and Wendy McElroy (McElroy, 1995) argue that sex-positive feminism's roots date back to the 19th century, in the work of sex reformers and workers for sex education and access to contraception such as Havelock Ellis, Margaret Sanger, Mary Coffin Ware Dennett and later, Alfred Kinsey. However, the contemporary incarnation of sex-positive feminism appeared more recently, following the increase in feminist focus on pornography as a source of women's oppression in the 1970s.
The rise of feminism, which began in the 1960s, was concurrent with the sexual revolution and legal rulings that loosened legal restrictions on access to pornography. Pornography, at this time, started to gain mainstream acceptance, and the feminist reaction to this was initially to cast pornography as a tool for women's oppression, as summarized by Robin Morgan: "Pornography is the theory, and rape the practice."
One of the earliest feminist arguments against this turn in the movement was Ellen Willis's essay "Feminism, Moralism, and Pornography" (Willis, 1983) In response to the formation of Women Against Pornography in 1979, Willis expressed worries about anti-pornography feminists' attempts to make feminism into a single-issue movement, and argued that feminists should not issue a blanket condemnation against all pornography and that restrictions on pornography could just as easily be applied to speech that feminists found favorable to themselves. Gayle Rubin (Rubin, 1984) calls for a new feminist theory of sex, saying that existing feminist thoughts on sex had frequently considered sexual liberalization as a trend that only increases male privilege. Rubin criticizes anti-pornography feminists who she claims "have condemned virtually every variant of sexual expression as anti-feminist," arguing that their view of sexuality is dangerously close to anti-feminist, conservative sexual morality. Rubin encourages feminists to consider the political aspects of sexuality without promoting sexual repression. She also argues that the blame for women's oppression should be put on targets who deserve it: "the family, religion, education, child-rearing practices, the media, the state, psychiatry, job discrimination, and unequal pay..." rather than on relatively un-influential sexual minorities.
McElroy (1995) argues that for feminists in the 1970s and 1980s, turning to matters of sexual expression was a result of frustration with feminism's apparent failure to achieve success through political channels. The ERA had failed, and abortion rights came under attack during the Reagan administration – apparently, winning political power was too hard, so some feminists decided to attack culture instead.
Major political issues related to sex-positive feminism
Pornography
The issue of pornography was perhaps the first issue to unite sex-positive feminists, though current sex-positive views on the subject are wide-ranging and complex. During the 1980s, Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon, as well as activists inspired by their writings, worked in favor of anti-pornography ordinances in a number of U.S. cities, as well as in Canada. The first such ordinance was passed by the city council in Minneapolis in 1983. MacKinnon and Dworkin took the novel tactic of framing pornography as a civil rights issue, arguing that showing pornography constituted sex discrimination against women. An obvious sex-positive response to this argument is that legislation against pornography violates women's right to free speech. Soon after, a coalition of anti-porn feminists and right-wing groups succeeded in passing a similar ordinance in Indianapolis. This ordinance was declared unconstitutional by a Federal court.
Rubin writes that anti-pornography feminists exaggerate the dangers of pornography by showing the most shocking pornographic images (such as those associated with sadomasochism) out of context, in a way that implies that the women depicted are actually being raped, rather than emphasizing that these scenes depict fantasies and use actors who have consented to being shown in such a way (Rubin, 1984). Sex-positive feminists argue that access to pornography is as important to women as to men, and that there is nothing inherently degrading to women about pornography (McElroy, 1996; Strossen, 2000).
Prostitution
Some sex-positive feminists believe that women and men can have positive experiences as sex workers, and that prostitution should be decriminalized. They argue that prostitution isn't necessarily bad for women if prostitutes are treated with respect and if the professions within sex work are destigmatized.
Other sex-positive feminists hold a range of views on prostitution, with widely varying views on prostitution as it relates to class, race, human trafficking, and many other issues. Sex-positive feminists generally agree that prostitutes themselves should not be stigmatized or penalized.
S/M
Many feminists have criticized sadomasochism (S/M) for eroticizing power and violence, and for reinforcing misogyny (Rubin, 1984). They argue that women who choose to engage in S/M are making a choice that is ultimately bad for women. Sex-positive feminists argue that consensual S/M activities are enjoyed by some women and validate the sexual inclinations of these women. They argue that feminists should not attack other women's sexual desires as being "anti-feminist", and that there is no connection between consensual sexually kinky activities and sex crimes. While some radical feminists suggest connections between consensual S/M scenes and non-consensual rape and sexual assault, sex-positive feminists find this to be insulting to women.
Sexual orientation
Though feminists are often stereotyped as being lesbians, McElroy (1995) points out that many feminists have been afraid of being associated with homosexuality: Betty Friedan, one of the founders of second-wave feminism, warned against lesbianism and called it "the lavender menace". Sex-positive feminists believe that accepting the validity of all sexual orientations is necessary in order to allow women full sexual freedom. Rather than distancing themselves from homosexuality and bisexuality because they fear it will hurt mainstream acceptance of feminism, sex-positive feminists believe that women's liberation cannot be achieved without also promoting acceptance of homosexuality and bisexuality.
Gender orientation
Some feminists have attacked male-to-female transsexuals as men attempting to appropriate whatever benefits are associated with femaleness while retaining male privilege, and female-to-male transsexuals as women who reject solidarity with their gender. One of the main exponents of this point of view is Janice Raymond (Raymond, 1979) Sex-positive feminists support the right of all individuals to determine their own gender, and promote gender fluidity as one means for achieving gender equality. Pat Califia has written extensively about issues surrounding feminism and transgenderism, especially in (Califia, 2003).
Debates within sex-positive feminism
Like feminism itself, sex-positive feminism is difficult to define, and few within the movement (particularly the academic arm of the movement) agree on any one ideology or policy agenda.
An example of how feminists may disagree on whether a particular cultural work exemplifies sex-positivity is Betty Dodson's critique of Eve Ensler's The Vagina Monologues. Dodson argues that the play promotes a negative view of sexuality, emphasizing sexual violence against women rather than the redemptive value of female sexuality. Many other sex-positive feminists have embraced Ensler's work for its encouragement of openness about women's bodies and sexuality.
Critiques of sex-positive feminism
Works that critique sex-positive feminism include Catharine MacKinnon (1987), Germaine Greer (1999), and the essays in Dorchen Leidholdt (1990), among others. Their main argument is that the indiscriminate promotion of all kinds of sexual practices merely contributes to female oppression, as certain sexual practices (eg. prostitution) have historically benefited men, not women.
Further Resources
Authors and activists who have written important works about sex-positive, and/or contributed to educating the public about it, include Susie Bright, Carol Queen, Kathy Acker, Annie Sprinkle, Candida Royalle, Nina Hartley and Inga Muscio. Many of these have written from the perspective of feminist women working in the sex industry. Another author, sex educator Betty Dodson, deserves special mention for her advocacy of masturbation. Dodson holds a Doctorate (Ph.D.) from the Institute for the Advanced Study of Human Sexuality for her research work on sexuality.
Information on formal organizations that endorse sex-positive feminism seems lacking, but one major outpost of sex-positive feminism is the cooperative business Good Vibrations, which was founded by Joani Blank in 1977 in order to sell sex toys and publications about sex in an environment which is welcoming to women. Blank also founded Down There Press, which has published various educational publications inspired by sex-positivity. Nonprofit groups supporting sex-positive feminism include the Feminist Anti-Censorship Task Force (associated with Carole Vance and Ann Snitow) and Feminists Against Censorship, associated with anti-censorship and civil liberties campaigner Avedon Carol.
The Center for Sex and Culture was founded in 2004 by Carol Queen and others in order to disseminate sex information and promote sex-positive research.
The magazine On Our Backs was founded to promote a more positive attitude towards erotica within the community of lesbian and bisexual women.
Sex-positive literature
References
- Dodson, Betty. "V-Day, Inc." (self-published:) 2001. (last accessed 9 September 2005)
- Institute for Advanced Study of Human Sexuality (last accessed 9 September 2005)
- Benjamin, Jessica (1983). Master and Slave: The Fantasy of Erotic Domination. In Ann Snitow, Christine Stansell, and Sharon Thompson (Ed.), Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, pp. 460–467. New York (Monthly Review Press). ISBN 0-85345-609-7
- Califia, Patrick (2003). Sex Changes: The Politics of Transgenderism. Pittsburgh (Cleis Press). ISBN 1573441805
- Greer, Germaine (1996). The Whole Woman. New York (Knopf.) ISBN 0385720033
- Leidholdt, Dorchen and Raymond, Janice (1990) The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism (Pergammon Press) ISBN 0080374573
- MacKinnon, Catharine (1987). Feminism Unmodified. Cambridge (Harvard University Press). ISBN 0-674-29873-X
- McElroy, Wendy (1995). XXX: A Woman's Right to Pornography. New York (St. Martin's Press). ISBN 0-312-13626-9
- Queen, Carol (1996). Real Live Nude Girl: Chronicles of Sex-Positive Culture. Pittsburgh (Cleis Press). ISBN 1-57344-073-6
- Raymond, Janice (1979). The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-male". Teachers College Press. ISBN 0807762725
- Rubin, Gayle (1984). Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality. In Carole S. Vance (Ed.), Pleasure and Danger: exploring female sexuality, pp. 267–319. Boston (Routledge & Kegan Paul). ISBN 0-7100-0074-6
- Strossen, Nadine (2000). Defending Pornography: Free Speech, Sex, and the Fight for Women's Rights. New York (New York University Press). ISBN 0814781497
- Willis, Ellen (1983). Feminism, Moralism, and Pornography. In Ann Snitow, Christine Stansell, and Sharon Thompson (Ed.), Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, pp. 460–467. New York (Monthly Review Press). ISBN 0-85345-609-7